Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand by Mark A. Stoler

By Mark A. Stoler

In the course of international conflict II the uniformed heads of the U.S. armed companies assumed a pivotal and exceptional function within the formula of the nation's international rules. geared up quickly after Pearl Harbor because the Joint Chiefs of employees, those contributors have been formally in charge just for the nation's army forces. throughout the battle their services got here to surround a bunch of international coverage matters, even though, and so strong did the army voice develop into on these matters that simply the president exercised a extra decisive position of their outcome.Drawing on resources that come with the unpublished files of the Joint Chiefs in addition to the struggle, army, and kingdom Departments, Mark Stoler analyzes the wartime upward push of army effect in U.S. international coverage. He makes a speciality of the evolution of and debates over U.S. and Allied worldwide process. within the method, he examines army fears relating to America's significant allies--Great Britain and the Soviet Union--and how these fears affected President Franklin D. Roosevelt's rules, interservice and civil-military kin, military-academic family members, and postwar nationwide defense coverage in addition to wartime process.

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Additional info for Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and U.S. Strategy in World War II

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S. use of the British naval base at Singapore. 40 Embick’s conclusions were by no means unique within the armed forces. Nor were they poorly received. S. strategy and policy in the Far East and Pacific. These reached the jb and the White House in 1937–38. S. self-sufficiency. 42 Many of Embick’s colleagues similarly supported his 1939 assault on the Guam base, with Borah inserting into the Congressional Record a critique written by Major General William C. Rivers, a former inspector general of the army who was also active in Libby’s organization.

Forces into the eastern Atlantic and Africa or Europe, in a concerted action with Britain and France as rapidly as possible consistent with defense of North America, to defeat Germany and/or Italy. S. forces to the Pacific rather than the Atlantic, because the Allies could secure the latter while expanded Japanese aggression could be expected in the former against all the coalition’s possessions. It therefore proposed creation of a fifth plan to cover such a contingency, with a renumbering so that this addition was listed second and the former plans 2 – 4 became plans 3 –5, respectively.

Then on October 4 British prime minister Winston S. S. ’’ 15 The proposed Anglo-American accord appeared to be exactly what naval planners had previously desired to free their forces for action against Japan. By the fall of 1940, however, they were no longer willing to entrust Atlantic—and with it hemispheric security—to a nation that appeared on the brink of defeat. They were also beginning to face the severe shortcomings within their Pacific war plans, n ew s t r at e g i e s a n d p o l i c i e s 27 as well as the dangerous imbalance between policy goals and available military means, that Embick and his army associates had been noting for many years.

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